'The Reasons of the West' is a monthly magazine that comes out in Forlì, directed by Franco Fregni vicediretto and Nicholas Farrell. The November issue published a long interview with Marco Taradash, signed by Gianfranco Angelucci, writer and director. We start from the staff: an American father who arrives in Italy as a soldier of the army of liberation and an Italian mother. Which one prevails souls?
I feel Italian in all respects, though not in tune with the concept of a state that is weighing heavily on society in this regard belong spiritually to America, having always believed more individual than social organizations and state . Above all, having lived in Livorno, and oppressive communist city, where the mechanism was sempre quello opposto, di affidare al corpo sociale il destino dell'individuo.
Mi sembra di scorgere sia a destra che a sinistra una certa ansia di rifondazione, come se si avvertisse in Italia la necessità di ricominciare da principio.
Io credo che sia necessario abbandonare, più che rifondare, le vecchie culture, a cominciare da quella comunista che è da gettare nel cesso della storia rapidamente e senza rimpianti. C'è invece da recuperare la democrazia politica, in un Paese in cui non se ne conoscono il significato né i meccanismi. I cittadini italiani sono molto liberi, hanno pochissimi limiti alla loro libertà, ma sono sudditi politicamente. Cioè non possiedono voce in capitolo nelle scelte politiche.
Who are the despots?
The oligarchy of parties. While at the time of the system partitocratico there was still a chance to become partitocrate, accepting the rules of course, today there are invisible oligarchies, who have no home, place of physical presence, accessibility.
in the political current so there is more opportunity to make their voices heard?
For the citizen not at all. And for those who want to make the company policy is an effort inhuman, unless it is accepted - specifically "accepted" - in the rooms of the oligarchy. It is a situation that can not stand because we are the only "democratic" countries western world to live a situation like this.
Hence the necessity of a movement that restores the right to be aware of this policy.
The conscience of the right to not only manage their personal life, which today is undoubtedly given to the Italians, but also the mastery of decisions entirely in the hands of others. Let me give an example on matters of conscience has become commonplace to say: let freedom of conscience for MPs. When is it desirable that the parliamentarians of the need to allow freedom of conscience to the people. About the most recent and complex ethical issues almost all the parliamentarians, in good faith, express a mentalità autoritaria o confessionale o conformista, e dunque in contrasto con l'orientamento dei cittadini comuni. Mi chiedo come possa essere considerata un valore la loro libertà di coscienza.
Ma questo sembrerebbe una caratteristica della democrazia rappresentativa nelle società avanzate. Negli Stati Uniti il cittadino medio è lontanissimo dalla politica centrale.
E viceversa. Anche la politica in America è molto distante dal cittadino, cosa che non avviene in Italia dove la politica influenza moltissimo persino il costume quotidiano. Inoltre negli Stati Uniti ci sono modi completamente diversi di partecipare alla politica, non attraverso i partiti bensì attraverso le fondazioni, le associazioni, i gruppi di interesse, the lobbies, the religious associations. There is a mix of missing Italy.
What are the strategies of the movement: how to get to make their voices heard?
First we made a decision favoring the center-field which we share almost all the principles. Starting from international politics and the choice of siding on the side of America, Israel, against the authoritarian regimes. To be part of the coalition of the willing in fact, true. In terms of civil rights, although with all the Italian anomaly, the center is placed on the side of the balance sheet, while the center-left side of justicialism. The third reason is that the center believes in the market, even if not always practice it, and the center even if he does not believe the practice more often than right. The center is on the historical heir of the First Republic, and we do not like, but we put ourselves in position even with the center of criticism which we see all the limits of courage in pursuing a program of true liberalism. The critical position is never willingly accepted, despite what we believe to play an important role, speaking with several million in pectore liberals who do not vote for center-right in Italy because they are not satisfied with its moderation. The task of the center should be to bring together liberals and moderates, while we sembra che la voce dei liberali sia scarsamente rappresentata.
I tempi di questa sensibilizzazione?
Come strategia abbiamo scelto un rapporto politico privilegiato con Berlusconi. Che però non è ricambiato. Noi crediamo che Berlusconi oggi in Italia rappresenti l'unica garanzia del cambiamento e non, come sostengono i suoi avversari, un elemento di ulteriore chiusura delle oligarchie. E questo proprio in virtù delle sue pretese anomalie; cioè per il fatto che non è un politico di professione, anzi è un anti-politico. I suoi difetti – che per noi sono pregi - in realtà costituiscono nell'attuale situazione italiana l'unica speranza di un radicale cambiamento verso una nuova concezione della politica. In line with the criteria that the Liberals would say they belong to instinct. We offer a relationship with FI federation, bringing a dowry of a significant result we can count on in the world and radical libertarian.
So much different than a liberal historian and curator at Malagodi.
Exactly the opposite, rather than assimilated to the doctrine of evolution of the panel, which can be summarized in three words: liberal, liberal and libertarian.
A post-modern liberalism?
do not know what could be the post-modernity for a country that has not been good even modernity. I'd settle for this already: namely, the greatest respect for the individual and no temptation Jacobin inside. The antigiacobinismo is a feature of our liberalism, printing more American than French. We do not like nostalgia Jacobin, the criticism from the outset the Church or the Italian Episcopal Conference (CEI), or to private Catholic schools and all other instrumental controversy.
show, in your view, who's in and who's out. Berlusconi?
E 'in default, honorary, because he has created in Italy the status of this transformation.
Fini?
Fini is making progress.
Casini?
I would say that part of the Italian Christian Democratic tradition, the old political culture.
Nel Centrosinistra?
Fra i partiti non salverei nessuno (i radicali sono un caso a parte). Ci sono delle personalità liberali, da Franco Debenedetti che è stato appena cacciato, ad altre figure isolate. Ma la cultura del Centrosinistra e soprattutto la sua mentalità, è decisamente illiberale.
Veltroni?
E' un impasto di tutte le tradizioni paternaliste italiane, da quella democristiana alla comunista, con una venatura di modernità molto spinta.
Giuliano Amato?
E' un brillante socialdemocratico. Nella sua cultura comunque lo Stato ha un ruolo preminente rispetto all'individuo. Gli sarebbe impossibile considerarlo come nemico.
D'Alema?
Absolutely on the other side at all times and everywhere.
Prodi?
It 's a democristianone, a boyar status. And one of the mysteries is how the Italian Left could find in him an element of synthesis.
Perhaps a common matrix.
Sure, the left is also made of boyars, of apparatnik ...
And the League? Bossi?
Bossi, such as panels, is primarily a political animal. How much is a very cultured and generous, so much the other has a big nose, but never convinced an effort to transform the cunning intelligence in politics. Yet even
Bossi is against the State.
Yes but so protesters. Sa open spaces that will not bother to fill.
So Senatùr not included in your frame.
He returned as an ally, as well as Casini, but it is storage.
In the face of major decisions, such as the invasion of the third world, how does your movement?
is opposed to the intolerant. It stands in defense of Van Gogh, the Fallaci, Benedict XVI, of all targets dell'oltranzismo fanatic and fundamentalist. We must defend ourselves from threats to our values, which we call Western but belong to all humanity without distinction. We are against relativism with respect to universal values. And, on the contrary, we are for the relativism that calls into question the absolute values, which is a very different position. We stand on the side of those who act harshly against the enemies of the West, and when necessary even from the CIA kidnaps the terrorist action in his intelligence. There are emergencies that must not become the rule, but even absurd cause tears in our system of secret services.
terrorists and the proliferation of mosques being built in Italy?
UCOII I believe that constitutes a serious danger, and therefore it is necessary to defend himself, isolating and combating its growth. To prevent 'UCOII for example to build mosques in their hands, are not places of worship, prayer, but indoctrination centers. Our task is to safeguard the secular and liberal Muslims, who are supported and defended.
Personally, she can be considered the ideologue of the movement?
No, absolutely not, I try only dotarmi well-read, action-oriented policy. My role is a facilitator of a political initiative. With all the inconvenience that this role involves an Italy in the party that claims obedience above all and certainty. Including Berlusconi, who we worship, we put on a pedestal, as it is able to throw fresh deposits and compromises behind the conservative mentality in our country. Neppure lui, alla fine, ci prende minimamente sul serio. O forse ci prende troppo sul serio. Tanto che preferisce non aver a che fare direttamente con noi, e evita di darci una rappresentanza parlamentare adeguata, di permetterci una visibilità televisiva.
Cosa teme?
Ma nulla, è solo diffidente. In un'Italia in cui i partiti vivono di finanziamento pubblico, noi siamo costretti a languire. Mentre potremmo assicurare al suo schieramento un serbatoio di voti che non sono in competizione con quelli di FI, in quanto rastrellati in partitbus infidelium, cercati cioè nel consenso di quei liberali che magari non votano più perché non trovano in questo Centrodestra una risposta soddisfacente. Penso che per lui il prezzo di questa nostra azione possa valere la candela.
E come fate a sostenervi?
A fine novembre, se non intervengono fatti nuovi, saremo costretti a chiudere la nostra sede, che è l'unica ricchezza che possediamo oltre al sito internet. Ma non chiuderemo baracca, questo è certo.
Perché un movimento esterno e non interno a un partito, come appunto FI?
Perché FI non è un partito. Se lo fosse ne faremmo parte. Invece si tratta di un non partito, di un non luogo di non comunicazione politica. Sono stato a Gubbio, al seminario di FI che è stato una bellissima immersione di studio e riflessione organizzata magistralmente da Bondi, un autentico innamorato della politica oltre che di Berlusconi. But the day after it was over, dissolved. Everyone at home. There is a lack of party cohesion.
Let us assume a scenario, what you wish for the coming years?
Meanwhile, the situation changes. Go back to value democracy for its own sake and not for what he pretends to be. Take Naples, a city about all out of control. There is the waste crisis, but some countries dell'interland not want the incinerator plant. I think that the local administrators of the center are corrupted by the Camorra, as well as scared, and I believe that the citizen will be very glad to be of the same waste that the Camorra had he given the opportunity to express themselves in a free vote and not controlled. The same observation applies to the rest of Italy. We need to return to hear the views of citizens, is the only resource that is to change the state of things. Politics is no longer able to hear. The parties do not act as a filter, rather act as a block, a barrier policy and lives a life without bloodshed and without faction.
And the media?
And the media are an expression of power, as it has always been in Italy. I do not believe in a perfect democracy, but the imperfection that we pushed the limits, crossing the border into a kind of dictatorship. A system in which personal freedoms are guaranteed, and we thank God for this, but where the people, the demos, it does not matter and possesses no more racy. All power is in the hands of a few political parties that are very careful not to create even a small opening in the well-fortified citadel.
